Ilan Berman

Following in the footsteps of the Obama administration, Team Biden has doggedly attempted to reengage Iran's ayatollahs in some sort of diplomatic compromise.

The Biden administration, facing an increasingly tough re-election battle this fall, is tacking left in its approach to Israel, hoping to mollify voters angered by its support of Israel's current war against Hamas in the Gaza Strip.

Things appear to have changed for the better.

A sober reading of China's approach to Iran's misbehavior in the Middle East makes clear that Tehran's troublemaking now has Washington right where Beijing wants it.

A renewed conflict between Israel and Hezbollah is very likely a matter of when, not if.

For Israel, the horrors of Oct. 7 were a watershed moment, and one that will inevitably prompt a major reconfiguration of foreign policy.

If, in coming weeks, the conflict does end up becoming a stalemate, it won't be due to Ukraine's timidity.

U.S. Iran policy is deeply broken, and has been for some time now.

The Kremlin is giving every sign that it is settling in for a protracted war of attrition against its western neighbor.

The country is in the throes of a serious economic crisis.

Between mid-March and mid-April, Israel's northern frontier experienced its worst spasm of instability in over a decade-and-a-half.

Independent journalists and outlets generally work collaboratively to tell the real story about what is happening in Ukraine and the very real impact of Russian government's excesses on ordinary people living in Russia's regions. Nevertheless, the journalists' status remains precarious.

For years, Israeli policymakers have preferred to take a backseat to U.S. policymakers in dealing with the threat posed by a nearly nuclear Islamic Republic. Recently, however, at least two factors have suggested that Jerusalem may not be willing to sit on the sidelines for much longer.

Speaking in Moscow earlier this month, a prominent Russian political figure provided a timely reminder of the Kremlin's enduring belief in the importance of shaping global opinion. "[I]nformation work today in the conditions in which we live and fight for our country is like a weapon of war," Alina Kabaeva opined at a televised gala before an audience of media professionals. "It is as important as the Kalashnikov rifle. Let's work."

While the persuasive power of Russian propaganda may be declining in the West, there are other parts of the world where it is still far from a spent force.

For more than three months now, ordinary Iranians from all walks of life have taken to the streets to vent their rage.

For decades, European officials have been the most ardent proponents of engagement with the Islamic Republic.

In his efforts to solve one problem—boosting morale and manpower for his Ukraine campaign—Vladimir Putin has managed to create another.

Throughout what is collectively known as the "Global South," China is now more popular than the United States.

Russian President Vladimir Putin's war of choice—and the West's response to it—has ravaged the country.

One issue Biden didn't appear to discuss with Israeli officials was China.

The trajectory of the war in Ukraine, now in its fourth month, can be characterized by one word: patience.

The push for some sort of new deal with Iran has proven to be remarkably resilient, despite significant opposition at home.

At some point, Washington will indeed need to stand up a serious, transparent and bipartisan effort to counter the phenomenon. It's already clear, though, that the Biden administration's new board isn't it.

Russia's extensive propaganda machine, which has been so effective at fostering political tensions in the West in recent years, has at long last become the subject of sustained attention.

The role of domestic public opinion should not be underestimated, even in Russia.

In Washington, bad ideas never really go away.

The Syria "file" has dwindled in urgency for Team Biden.

Since it took office some seven months ago, the Biden administration has upended practically every aspect of its predecessor's approach to the region, with the 76 year U.S.-Saudi relationship one of the principal casualties.

Next week, President Joe Biden will meet with Vladimir Putin in Geneva for his first head-of-state summit with the Russian leader.