We political veterans are reporting the same thing as we compare notes. "So many Republicans have told me they wanted 'the Trump agenda, without Trump.' But watching a sitting president's administration indict his leading opponent has them so concerned that they are going to vote for him after all."
Many Republicans even go so far as to say former President Donald Trump's actions were wrong, but also believe the indictments are motivated by politics and not the law. This must be resisted, they conclude. And the decision is understandable.
As one of the few who publicly predicted both Trump's 2016 win and his 2020 loss even while endorsing him, and after leaning alternately in the directions of more than one candidate, I've come to a different conclusion. "Who should we vote for if the Republican primary were today?" I was asked recently. And my response, though perhaps surprising, was unhesitating,
"Vivek Ramaswamy, definitely."
I'd go even further and propose that Trump's best chance at winning the 2024 general election would be to announce Vivek as his VP, run on his promise to fix all of the damage Joe Biden has done to the economy—and then resign to make history, setting up Vivek as the youngest, and first Republican minority, president of the United States.
Acknowledging that Trump would never commit to leaving office after a year, here are some reasons to nominate Vivek directly.
He Can Carry the Message Far and Clear
The overwhelming majority (roughly 97.1 percent) of Republicans want to vote for Trump's agenda, based on the Real Clear average of 2.9 percent voting for one of the three anti-Trump candidates (Chris Christie, Asa Hutchinson, or Will Hurd). And they want a nominee who will fight effectively to advance the goals of the expanded Republican coalition he put together, which includes anyone who works for a living or believes parents should have the right to make decisions regarding their children. That is the agenda that will win policy and poll battles with the Democratic coalition of university elites, public unions, and big city political machines.
The challenger most effectively articulating this agenda has been Vivek. Some protest that he wasn't really a conservative until the last few years, but this doesn't necessarily flag hypocritical opportunism. Very often, there has been a reasoned reconsideration. When this is the case, the convert is generally much better at making the case for his or her new position because it emerged from wrestling with the arguments. Sometimes it's not the case, but a public commitment to enacting the policy regardless is just as good. "Is Trump even pro-life?" I asked Steve Bannon when he told me in 2014 that he thought Trump would be the next Republican president. Looking at what Trump accomplished, never mind what he might be thinking, we have to admit he's the most pro-life president we've ever had.
He Can Grab the Baton and Run
Watching Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, and Pope John Paul II stand up to communism is what made me a conservative for life. But that legacy doesn't resonate as loudly now. Only about half of those living in America today were around at the end of Reagan's second term—so the other half needs to decide for themselves whether or not America is great. It may be, seeing the refusal to back down before China. It may be, appreciating the richness of what truly is a melting pot of cultures and ethnicities. It may be, recognizing a person's dignity even while disagreeing with their lifestyle. In any event, it's not what old white guys like me found inspiring in the '80s. As The Who sang, "For his grandchildren can't see the glory, And his own kids are bored with the story."
Who better positioned to see today's glory and hear the stories of younger and non-white voters than a 30-something son of Indian immigrants?
The younger political activists have capitalized on learning opportunities such as Turning Point, the Leadership Institute, and candidate/campaign worker training like the ones I offer. Even more, they've been toughened up on hostile college campuses and contentious workplaces. They are ready to lead.
It's no coincidence, I think, that the two youngest presidents to date—Teddy Roosevelt and JFK—are rated by both historians and voters as among the best presidents of all time.
He Can Dodge the Hate
Without the ability to win the election, none of the rest matters. And it's hard to win when you're hated.
Not only are frontrunners Trump and Biden both specifically disliked by 55 percent of Americans, but a whopping 77 percent want all presidential candidates over 75 years old to take a competency test.
The other candidates are disliked as well, with unfavorables outstripping favorables by anywhere from 7 points (Nikki Haley) to 28 points (Mike Pence). Tim Scott is slightly more liked than disliked (27/23), according to FiveThirtyEight, but this will probably not last once the attack ads start picking through his thousands of cast votes for a few that sound bad.
The only candidate in the Republican primary who is popular today beyond the margin of error, despite having a considerable media presence, is Ramaswamy (26/18).
Imagine, in this climate of polarization even within the same party, a candidate whose name could be mentioned without causing family gatherings to implode. It may be an unusual name to some—but given his likely ability to advance conservative ideals, appeal to an unprecedentedly broad coalition, and most importantly, win the 2024 general election, it's a name worth learning—Vivek Ramaswamy, definitely.
John Pudner is president of Take Back Our Republic Action.
The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.
Uncommon Knowledge
Newsweek is committed to challenging conventional wisdom and finding connections in the search for common ground.
Newsweek is committed to challenging conventional wisdom and finding connections in the search for common ground.
